In 1979, the British rock band
The Who sold out its December 3 concert at Cincinnati's Riverfront
Coliseum. All 20,000 tickets were general admission - every seat and
all the standing room was up for grabs. When the promoter opened the
doors, the waiting crowd rushed the entrance to get the best positions
inside. The result was pandemonium.
"When a person fell, it
created a vacuum, and the people on the bottom could not get up," said
one survivor. Eleven fans were crushed to death.
From 1992 through 2002, there
were 232 deaths from crowd-safety failures at concerts and festivals
around the world, and more than 66,000 people were injured. During a
single week in 2003, a stampede to exit the E2 nightclub in Chicago
left 21 dead by asphyxiation or heart attack; 100 others died either
trying to escape or from injuries after they escaped a pyrotechnics
fire at a Great White concert at the Station, a club in West Warwick,
Rhode Island.
Yet, rather than working to
prevent further deadly incidents, the concert industry - taking its
cues from such megastars as Bruce Springsteen and U2 - embraced the
overcrowded conditions that lead to these disasters.
Lawyers who handle crowd crush
cases must understand at least five important facts:
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Leading authorities have
named festival seating the principal culprit in most crowd crush
cases.
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Even "respectable" artists now demand festival seating at their
shows.
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The documented history of problems makes foreseeability the linchpin
of any legal analysis of a crowd crush case.
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Entering the festival seating area to get close to the band does not
mean that the person who is injured when doing so assumes the risk of
severe injury or death.
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The defendants will probably include media behemoths that can spend
lavishly to defend their policies.
The National Fire Protection Administration's (NFPA)
Life Safety Code, NFPA 101, defines festival seating as "a form of audience/spectator
accommodation in which no seating, other than a floor or ground
surface, is provided for the audience/spectators gathered to observe a
performance." That people get hurt in festival seating areas comes as
no surprise to these experts. The NFPA says festival seating at live
entertainment events should be "expected to result in overcrowding and
high audience density that may compromise public safety."
The meaning of "overcrowding" is set forth in the National Building
Code published by the Building Officials and Code Administrators
International (BOCA), which specifies that the "occupant load of any
space or portion thereof shall not exceed one occupant per three
square feet ... of occupiable floor space."
Jake Pauls, a safety consultant and member of the NFPA Technical
Committee on Assembly Occupancies, has a simple explanation for the
crowd dynamic in a festival seating area: "People caught in a crowd
crush behave as a liquid. No individual can control his or her
movement or assist others close by." Outsiders can do little to help
victims in crowd crush situations.
Festival seating may be relatively harmless for small crowds, or for
larger crowds with enough space to spread out. But the combination of
big crowds in small spaces leads to disaster.
Three weeks after the incident at The Who's concert in 1979, the
Cincinnati city council banned festival seating at all venues within
its jurisdiction. But elsewhere, promoters continued to sell tickets
for open floor space in front of bands, with tragic results.
Despite its dangers, festival seating has become more appealing to
mainstream performers. Cincinnati, for example, lifted its 23-year ban
on festival seating at the insistence of mainstream rock-and-roll icon
Bruce Springsteen. Inspired by the band U2 - which sells out stadiums
and arenas around the world and will not sign a contract with any
venue unless it permits festival seating - Springsteen decided he could
raise his performances to new heights if more of his fans were closer
to him. He "really liked the energy, liked the vibe" at a U2 show,
explained the general manager of the Cincinnati arena where
Springsteen performed.
Corporations that promote and produce rock concerts also downplay the
risks, at least when bands they promote are playing. A typical comment
comes from the editor of a concert industry magazine, defending U2's
use of festival seating by saying that it is a problem only for some
bands: "If there is a band that can pull off festival seating safely,
it is U2. Their crowd isn't going to be as volatile as, say, a Red Hot
Chili Peppers crowd."
Foreseeability of
Harm
Crowd crush cases are grounded in basic tort law, especially the
foreseeability of harm. Injured concertgoers will prove their case if
they are in the class of people to whom any defendant has a duty of
care; that defendant breached its duty; there is a causal link
unbroken by a third party in the crowd; and the concertgoers were
harmed as a result.
Although few reported decisions have arisen specifically from concert
injuries, there is relevant authority. Crowd crush cases turn largely
on one of the most venerable of all tort decisions, Palsgraf v. Long
Island Railroad Co. In that case, a woman was injured when a package
full of dynamite exploded at a railway station. The court ruled that
the defendant did not need "notice of the particular method in which
an accident would occur, if the possibility of an accident was clear
to the ordinarily prudent eye."
Applying Palsgraf's foreseeability-of-harm requirement to the festival
seating scenario, the question is: Who reasonably could have foreseen
a person's being crushed in the densely packed crowd and therefore had
a duty to try to prevent the risk? Typically, the defendants include
the owner and operator of the concert venue, the concert promoter
and/or producer, the security company for that specific event, and the
performer onstage at the time the person was injured.
The concert venue. A key defendant is the venue itself, whose duty of
care is well established by law. The venue bears a dual burden for
crowd safety: It is liable for any injuries caused by a hazard the
venue itself creates and for negligently failing to remove a hazard
created by others, once it has either express or implied notice of the
hazard.
This second burden is particularly important in crowd crush cases
because the danger, at least in a sense, is created by third parties.
The most direct risk to the victim is the too-close proximity of other
fans. Because crowd crush injuries have occurred with some frequency,
they have become foreseeable to the concert industry, which
establishes a venue's duty to take reasonable precautions.
The Restatement (Second)
of Torts underscores a venue's common law
duty to prevent harm from dangers created by others. Specifically,
A7344 addresses crowd security.
A possessor of land who holds it open to the public for entry for his
business purposes is subject to liability to members of the public
while they are upon the land for such a purpose, for physical harm
caused by the accidental, negligent, or intentionally harmful acts of
third persons or animals, and by the failure of the possessor to
exercise reasonable care to:
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discover that such acts are being done or are likely to be done,
or
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give a warning adequate to enable the visitors to avoid the harm,
or otherwise to protect them against it. (Emphasis added.)
Injuries are clearly a foreseeable consequence of crowding people
together, and venues that profit from large crowds owe a "duty of
reasonable care to business invitees" on their premises.
The promoter. At a professional wrestling exhibition in Raleigh
County, West Virginia, wrestler "Sweet Stan" attacked a spectator he
thought had thrown an object into the ring while the wrestlers were
trying to incite the crowd. The spectator and his wife sued to recover
for his injuries. The court held that if the promoter had instructed
the wrestler to provoke and incite patrons, then the promoter was
liable because such provocation would foreseeably result in fights and
injuries.
Similarly, both the owner-operator of Independence Hall
- a Baton
Rouge, Louisiana, concert hall - and the promoter of a rock concert
held there ignored the foreseeable risk of harm by keeping the house
lights off at intermission. The court found that they breached their
duty of care to a woman who fell in a dark hallway at a time when they
should have reasonably expected patrons to visit the snack bar or
restrooms.
The crowd security company.
The security company's ability to foresee
harm should be informed by the history of problems at other, similar
events. In the West Virginia wrestling case, for example, the head of
the security company admitted that, based on his experience with
professional wrestling shows, even he thought the 12 security guards
his company provided were not enough.
An early request for production should yield any personnel-training
manual, policy and procedure guide, and hiring criteria. If a gym
membership and an impressive physique are enough to get hired for a
concert security job, the jury should know that this is the extent of
the security company's regard for concertgoers' safety. If the event
was videotaped, either by the promoter or someone in the crowd, the
footage will show how difficult it is for a security person standing
outside the festival seating area to see if someone is being hurt
inside.
The artist. The artist's duty of care is based on the grim history of
festival seating. After hundreds of deaths and thousands of crowd
crush injuries, no performer can credibly say that such occurrences
are unforeseeable. As a practical matter, performance contracts
contain the occasional nugget regarding the duty of care. In a pending
federal case, for example, a rider to the contract between the artist
and the promoter states that the promoter assumes the duty of
protecting the producer, the artist, and the patrons. But the artist
did not pass his entire duty of care to the promoter. The same rider
defines breach of contract and lists inadequate security as a breach.
If the artist or his crew had decided that security was insufficient,
he could have refused to perform.
Denying the performer's motion to dismiss based on the absence of a
duty of care to his fans, the district court made two significant
observations: The duty turns on the nature of the contractual duty and
the 'special relationship' created between the tortfeasor and the
injured party. There is no categorical bar against imposing a duty on
a singer to a concertgoer.
In other words, although the performer might argue that he stopped
playing once it was obvious from the screaming and crying that people
were getting hurt, the fact that he did not exercise the authority
negotiated for him in his own contract is itself compelling evidence
that he breached his duty of care.
Besides claiming that each possible defendant is individually liable,
you can link the parties that put on the concert by showing that they
jointly controlled the risk. Several types of joint control can give
rise to a duty for each party. The classic of action" might be written
into certain contracts, such as provisions allowing several parties to
independently assess crowd safety, or it can be proved through
evidence of parallel behavior that implies tacit agreement or
cooperation. Or the defendants might all have followed an
industry-wide standard or custom regarding crowd safety.
The Victim's
Role
As in any lawsuit, humanizing your client is essential. In a concert
injury case, you may face more of a challenge getting the jury to
focus on your client as a person who was simply standing where he or
she was allowed to be, doing what he or she was supposed to do. If the
defendants try to blame the plaintiff, it is vital to argue that the
victim did not assume the risk of being crushed in the festival
seating area and did not engage in comparative negligence.
For a victim to have assumed a risk, completely barring recovery, he
or she must have knowingly and voluntarily accepted the risk that
caused the injury. For example, an entire body of case law denies
recovery to fans hurt in the stands at baseball games because courts
have concluded that the risk of harm is so "open and obvious" that
anyone watching a game should know that he or she risks being hit by a
ball. Since spectators can ensure their safety by staying in the
screened area behind home plate, sitting anywhere else in the ballpark
implies that the fan weighed the odds and made an informed choice. The
defendant in that scenario bears no further duty.
But festival-seating concertgoers are different from baseball fans. At
a ball game, the assumption of risk bars any recovery because the risk
of being hit by a ball is a "customary part of the sport." Getting
crushed by a crowd to the point of asphyxiation does not occur with
the frequency, or fair warning, of getting hit by a foul ball. Yet
even if concert disasters were more common and well publicized, that
would still not relieve organizers or performers of their duty of
care. On the contrary, when the parties putting on the concert "should
anticipate an unreasonable risk of harm to the invitee notwithstanding
his knowledge, warning, or the obvious nature of the condition,
something more in the way of precautions may be required."
This is the principle to cite when a defendant mentions the warning in
fine print on the back of a ticket, or the hastily scrawled signs
inside the arena warning fans that they enter the festival seating
area at their own risk. This further duty by the defendants applies to
any venue, including those that stage rock concerts or festivals,
"where there is reason to expect that the invitee's attention will be
distracted . . . or that after a lapse of time he may forget the
existence of the condition, even though he has discovered it or been
warned."
Similar logic applies to the defense that the victim was comparatively
or contributorily negligent. To show that the victim's injury was
caused by overcrowding and inadequate security -- not his or her own
conduct -- you must establish that your client could not find a "place
of safety," or that overcrowding restricted his or her free movement.
In other words, no place in the festival seating area was safe, so it
did not matter where in the crowd your client stood. Ready support for
this proposition is in the NFPA's Life Safety Code and the BOCA code,
which says that the lack of adequate room to stand or move exposes
patrons to the possibility of being crushed in the crowd anywhere in a
festival seating area.
Defendants in crowd crush cases will probably have big names with big
litigation budgets. While festival seating can exist anywhere there is
no reserved seating, injuries are more likely in the bigger concert
crowds at larger venues. Odds are, you will be taking on juggernauts
like Clear Channel Communications, Infinity Broadcasting, or a
municipal stadium authority.
If a radio station co-promoted the concert, as is often the case, you
may face Clear Channel Communications. According to its website,
the company owns, programs, and sells airtime for over 1,200 radio
stations in the United States.
Another likely defendant is SFX, a Viacom subsidiary that owns 44 U.S.
amphitheaters and boasts on its website that a
"staggering 62 million people attend over 26,000 events" it promotes
or produces each year. Given these companies' huge income and the
muscle of corporate parents like Viacom backing them up, you could be
waking a sleeping giant.
Crowd crush cases may offer drama, but they are fundamentally simple,
based on facts that should be self-evident: Overcrowding leads to
injuries; a party that can reasonably foresee harm has a duty to
prevent it; and where powerful interests insist on pursuing a
dangerous practice like festival seating, the victims are truly
protected only by their lawyers.